Evolution of (West) Berlin integration policy - on the example of relations with Turkish diaspora

The history of Turkish migration to West Germany traces back to the 1960s, as a bilateral recruitment treaty was concluded. Initially this migration was thought to be temporary, but the Ruckkehrillusion (the illusion of return) has never come true. Nowadays there are 3 million Turks in Germany with approximately 200.000 of them living in Berlin. Although the changes in social structure became obvious already during the first years of recruitment, it wasn't until 1999 that the federal level officially recognized that Germany is a country of immigration. Unlike the federal authorities, Bundeslander and municipalities took their first integration measures in 1970s. Berlin was one of the most prominent integration actors, founding Auslanderbeirate (councils of foreigners) and establishing the post of Auslander-beauftragte (Ombudsman for foreigners). In 1990 Berlin granted foreigners a suffrage in local elections, but this decision was soon overruled by the Federal Constitutional Court. The absence of the local franchise for foreigners is still typical for Germany, making a large amount people unable to influence their state directly. In the 2000s a U-turn took place in the federal migration policy. The federal level officially recognized the status of an immigration country. A number of basic documents were adopted at all the levels of powers. The Berlin Integration Concept of 2007 constituted the foundation of the capital's migration policy. One can enumerate four key points of this «roadmap»: integration in education, integration on the labour market, socio-spatial integration and naturalization. The city pays special attention to the cooperation with migrant's organizations, which are thought to be both flexible and effective actors. Although Berlin has elaborated an extensive integration scheme, a large amount of Turkish immigrants living in the city still experience some kind of social exclusion, associated with low income rates, fragile «external» contacts, ghettoization and numerous discrimination practices. It seems that the described condition can be explained on the basis of two main issues. On the one hand, the Turkish diaspora is often referred to as a potential threat and a load for the German economy. Such an approach tends to deepen the insularity of the group. On the other hand, the members of the group are experiencing a high rate of symbolic exclusion and are therefore unwilling to merge with the German society. One should also mention that the system of national, regional and communal integration institutions in Germany is quite complicated, and the vagueness of their powers creates preconditions for bureaucratism.

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